BEIJING – For many leaders, mounting public anger and a rapidly worsening economic outlook would be cause for worry and a policy rethink.
But Chinese President Xi Jinping, who doubtless would prefer smoother sailing in the run-up to a third leadership term, is doubling down on a signature “dynamic zero” Covid-19 policy that has been increasingly tested by the more infectious Omicron variant.
Mr Xi’s high-profile reiteration of the policy, made last week during a visit to the southern island of Hainan that capped days of state-media support for it, reflects a political imperative not to reverse course and look weak in a year in which he needs to appear strong, analysts said.
It also points to the absence of attractive alternatives, beyond tweaks and refinements, given the lack of herd immunity and a shaky healthcare system in China, which until recently kept Covid at bay after fumbling the outbreak when it was first reported in late 2019 in Wuhan city.
China has also made much of the dangers of Covid and how it has ravaged populations elsewhere, and changing course would require an awkward reversal of messaging to a public conditioned to view the coronavirus with horror.
“Persevering in China’s own answers to shocks, rather than import answers found by the West, seems to be his thinking,” said Ms Alicia Garcia-Herrero, chief economist for Asia Pacific at Natixis.
“This includes ‘dynamic zero Covid’ policy versus the Western approach of pursuing herd immunity,” she said.
Mr Xi’s loyalty to the policy, despite widespread public anger with it, also reflects the security of his position in the absence of internal opposition as he strides towards a precedent-breaking third term at this autumn’s once-in-five-years Communist Party conclave.
“Looking at the number of people from across different backgrounds who spoke up and the intensity of their expression, this has been the most massive public display of anger since Xi came to power in 2012,” said Mr Yang Chaohui, a political science lecturer at the prestigious Peking University.
“But the public discontent is fragmented and doesn’t amount to a momentum that can impact Xi,” he said.
Cure worse than disease?
China’s Zero‑Viral Policy: From Cheers to Chaos in Shanghai
When Quarantine Became a Lifetime Commitment
For years, China’s roadmap to a virus‑free country—or at least a day who’s door…—was met with applause. If you were infected, a breath of fresh air meant a week on the sidelines, no matter if you had a cough or just your usual desire to binge‑watch series. That approach both saved many lives and made a lot of people groan.
The “Mine” That Wasn’t Mine
Shanghai, the glittering financial hub, had bragged proudly that no one died from the latest wave of COVID‑19. Yet, scrolling through the city’s social feeds, you’d find people who lost loved ones to heart attacks or broken phones while waiting in quarantine. Who knew a lockdown could turn into a fancy buffet of quiet deaths?
Economic Chaos: From “What’s the Freedown?” to “Let’s Just Buy a Yacht”
- Supply chains broke. Stores emptied, factories paused, delivery drivers looked like ghosts.
- Jobs got a second life. Some unemployment numbers spiked while others found themselves on a career roller coaster.
- Consumers felt the pinch. Prices rocketed, budgets shrank, and the price of a simple espresso shot seemed like a ransom.
We’re Not Tired of Travel… Yet
The elite who once jet‑seted to Paris could now only wander through the cramped rooms of their personal apartments. Two years of tight borders left even the well‑off with more patience than any tourist might have.
People’re Talking—Officials Are Not Listening
While Shanghai residents poured frustration into social media, officials kept shouting down those voices. Movement curbs, media controls, and rapid‑fire censorship kept the whistle‑blowing at bay. The result? A city that feels more like a “Ponys” stage than a modern metropolis.
Bottom Line: The Cost of Quarantine Is Rising, the Boon is Shortening
Everyone can see the math—if most cases are mild, why keep locking down?
For now, the debate continues, but one thing is clear: the plan that once felt heroic has become a comedic tragedy for Shanghai’s residents and businesses alike.
<img alt="" data-caption="Police officers in hazmat suits stand by as residents protest over residential compounds being turned into Covid-19 isolation facilities, in Pudong, Shanghai, on April 14, 2022
PHOTO: Reuters” data-entity-type=”file” data-entity-uuid=”2795be20-65c3-4550-ba8b-28e04b0d76d7″ src=”/sites/default/files/inline-images/190422_china_reuters.jpg”/>”The CCP leadership has decided for a long time to keep Xi as number one,” said Professor Jean-Pierre Cabestan at Hong Kong Baptist University, referring to the Chinese Communist Party.
“Xi and his faction will find any kind of reasons or excuses to protect him and put the blame of any weakness or mistake on lower-level officials,” he said.
Unlike in democracies, where public discontent manifests itself in opinion polls and votes, it poses a danger to leaders in authoritarian regimes only when leveraged by an opponent, said Mr Chen Daoyin, a former associate professor at Shanghai University of Political Science and Law and now a commentator based in Chile.
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“Since Xi has already removed all viable opponents, the public anger now can’t do much to him,” he said.
The first Covid outbreak in Wuhan, which sparked fear and online protest, ended up doing little political damage to Mr Xi, with the government ultimately spinning its response as a win.
Many lower-level officials fared less well, which partly explains the speed with which cities now impose Covid restrictions.
Before Shanghai’s outbreak, its party chief, Mr Li Qiang, was widely expected to be promoted to the highest power echelon, the Politburo Standing Committee, where he would be a key ally for Mr Xi in his third term.
“If Li gets punished for the Shanghai outbreak, it could mess up Xi’s planned lineup for the party’s next generation leadership,” said Mr Chen.
While city-level officials elsewhere have been fired or censured after outbreaks, only very low-level officials in Shanghai have been punished.
“If the Shanghai situation clears up within a month, both Xi and Li could still get what they want,” Mr Chen said.
ShanghaichinaXI JINPINGcoronavirusCOVID-19lockdownChina politics
